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Moonshots · · 88 分钟

Elon 离场、美国如何赢下 AI 时代与 Bitcoin 接管美国——与 Anthony Scaramucci 对谈|EP#180

Peter DiamandisAnthony ScaramucciSalim IsmailDave Blundin

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TL;DR
  • 即便 Elon Musk 离场,本届政府的科技论述仍然成立:Anthony Scaramucci 认为,Trump 在 AI、加密货币和放松监管上都强于 Biden,同时称赞 David Sacks 和 Sriram Krishnan 等推动政策继续转向 AI 驱动生产率增长的科技派人物。 这套论述能够延续,靠的是 Sacks 的“鸭子”式风格——安静、渐进、接受80%的结果;相比之下,Musk 的高曝光度让他成了华盛顿“镀金热水浴缸”里的靶子。问题在于文化战争:Scaramucci 认为,同一个政府在电池、太阳能和更广泛的能源政策上却会转向敌对。

  • AI 被视为核心生产率引擎,其规模可能足以让 GDP 增速超过政府支出,并开始修复美国的债务轨迹。 Sacks 警告,超过1,000项州级法案可能拖累 AI,这推动他在“一项又大又漂亮的法案”中寻求联邦优先权;但 Scaramucci 预计,落地会是渐进式的:最初或许实现 AI.gov 愿景的30%,之后达到50%–60%。在缺乏 Sputnik 式全民危机感的情况下,“自满”仍是最大的刹车。

  • AI 竞赛正在变成电力和基础设施竞赛;如果美国不能走出太阳能文化战争,中国可能反超。 Diamandis 的判断是,到2030年,中国每年新增的电力产能可能相当于美国全部发电量;Salim Ismail 认为,“激进扩张能源”不可避免,因为化石燃料发电耗时太久。Dave Blundin 预计,电力短缺、AI 导致的岗位替代,以及与中国的军备竞赛将在下一次大选前汇合,使数据中心建设成为覆盖面异常广的就业与资本开支计划。

  • Scaramucci 反对与中国进行经济脱钩,认为加深相互依赖才是更安全的竞争策略。 中国可以用100年维度思考,但美国仍拥有不成比例的软实力;关税和彼此隔离的“烟囱”会削弱这一优势,也让冲突更容易发生。他的主张是现实主义而非绥靖:承认知识产权盗窃和战略竞争,保留联盟与 USAID 式影响力,然后“修好我们自己的内部问题”。

  • 一个可行的中间派政党需要大约500亿美元、真正的政治纲领,以及一套经过设计的投票率解决方案,而不只是 Musk 那份高支持率民调。 33年前 Ross Perot 赢得19.9%的选票后,两党进一步收紧了选举准入;MAGA 的成功,则来自对既有共和党机器的敌意收购。Blundin 的反驳是,热情的少数派主导初选,而中间派留在家里;对策是通过更便利的投票、有吸引力的内容,以及可能效仿澳大利亚的强制投票,激活美国1.4亿名惯常不投票者。

  • AI 接入被定义为公共基础设施:每个孩子都应获得医疗、教育和 AI 家教,但不能放弃构建判断力所需的认知劳动。 Scaramucci 希望把世界级教学送进每一间五年级教室;更广泛的讨论则设想一种能够提供“智力纵横填字游戏”的 AI。公共支出应优先投向类似 Big Dig 的乘数效应。海湾伙伴提供了更快的落地路径:UAE 正向公民开放 ChatGPT,而 Saudi 和 Emirati 资本可以用 Washington 无法匹敌的速度,为芯片、算力和合作伙伴关系提供资金。

  • 加密货币正在迫使银行适应,而 Scaramucci 已将 Bitcoin 设为最大仓位,并把其上涨空间与财政失败联系起来。 他说,自己目前70%的净资产都通过 Bitcoin 配置,并预计年末达到200,000美元、5年内达到500,000美元、10年内达到1,000,000美元,前提是通胀约为2%、Federal Reserve 管理得当;如果 Fed 服从政治且通胀持续,Bitcoin 的名义价格可能高达1,500万美元。其机制是万亿美元级需求冲击撞上有限供给:Bitcoin 像一个“吃披萨的人”,从一小块开始扩张,直到吞掉整个投资组合。

摘要 · 为研究而整理的核心内容

1. Musk 离场,但政府的科技论述仍在延续

  • Diamandis 将 Musk 的离场——Scaramucci 给出的官方评分是14个“Scaramucci”——视为一次检验:本届政府对科技的开放究竟是实质性转向,还是仅仅披着科技外衣。Scaramucci 仍是 xAI 和 SpaceX 的投资者,并表示,与其让 Musk 离开,不如让他“离局面更近”。

  • Scaramucci 给出的评分刻意复杂:Trump 在 AI、加密货币和放松监管上“更好”,并且在 Biden 之前就意识到与中国存在 AI 竞赛,这一点值得肯定。他称赞 David Sacks 和 Sriram Krishnan,并表示总统理解科技必须成为“一项大规模事业”。

  • 限制在于意识形态上的不一致。Scaramucci 认为,本届政府在电池和能源问题上表现疲弱,因为 Trump 的文化战争本能——“钻吧,宝贝,钻吧”、抵制电动车和其他象征性对抗——可能把原本亲科技的政策推向经济上适得其反的方向。

2. Sacks 像鸭子一样在华盛顿生存下来

  • Scaramucci 不接受用中性的“沼泽”来形容华盛顿;这里是一个“镀金热水浴缸”,内部人士决定谁可以被收买、奖励参与者、攻击局外人。他最具标志性的比喻是:即便一个小官员把你的眼球放进“脏马提尼酒杯”,也能若无其事地继续和你交谈。

  • Musk 像一只鹰进入了这套体系:高调、频繁与 Trump 合影,还明显出现在 Air Force One 上。嫉妒和距离过近让他变得脆弱。Sacks 则是那只“鸭子”——表面上平稳滑行,水下却疯狂划动,避开公开功劳,承受推动政策所必需的“磕碰和打击”。

  • Scaramucci 以 Sacks 处理主权财富基金或 Bitcoin 储备倡议的方式为证,也提到他在 American Bankers Association 阻挡其余部分时,愿意接受80%的结果。他的判断是绝对的:由于 Sacks 理解政策、商业激励和总统心理,“只要他自己愿意,他就会一直留在政府里”。

3. AI 联邦优先权撞上守护既得利益的 incumbents

  • Sacks 的逻辑链条很简单:降低债务需要 GDP 增长;增长需要生产率;AI 是最有可能的生产率驱动因素。然而,各州议会已经提出超过1,000项限制 AI 的法案,促使他要求通过“一项又大又漂亮的法案”取得联邦优先权。

  • Scaramucci 将这些法案放进一段反复出现的既得利益史中:驿站马车运营商抵制铁路,马车利益集团抵制汽车,监管者抵制航空业,“没有一个市长”想要 Uber。银行业反对稳定币收益和 GENIUS Act 的部分条款,也是同一种反射动作——既有特许经营者要求政府拖慢新替代品的出现。

  • 在他看来,因果机制经由竞选融资展开。Citizens United 于2010年1月之后,富有的利益集团可以资助那些承诺保护劳务公司、银行或其他脆弱企业免受 AI 冲击的议员。相比之下,Manhattan Project 当年投入25亿美元——按今天的美元计算接近1,000亿美元——因为战略目标压倒了地方性阻力。

4. AI.gov 可以复利增长,但绕不过政治合法性

  • 节目录制于6月30日,预计 AI.gov 将在7月4日前后发布。讨论设想,AI 可以让 FDA、FAA、DOT 和 DOE 的工作速度超过历史上“次线性”的政府。Scaramucci 接受这一方向,但拒绝即时变革的说法:最初或许实现30%,随后几年达到“50%或60%”。

  • 他认为瓶颈不是能力,而是自满。不同于1957年10月 Sputnik 事件引发的反应,普通选民并未感受到一种切身或意识形态上的威胁;他以大选之夜有人搜索 Joe Biden 是否已经退选为例,说明公众的疏离。“人民先感受到威胁”,制度才会获得以紧急速度行动的许可。

  • 因此,Scaramucci 希望在推进 AI 的同时改革宪法和预算:结束选区操纵和 Citizens United,放弃持续决议与综合拨款法案,恢复正常的预算流程,并把这部已有235年历史的宪法视为需要更新的“软件”。他指出宪法已有27项修正案,但真正有意义的更新已经停滞数十年。

  • 他提出的替代革命方案是周期性拆解垄断。Theodore Roosevelt 约束强盗大亨,以维持公众对资本主义的信任;1984年拆分 AT&T,则释放了帮助后来企业崛起的技术。改革者对今天“肥猫”的信息同样直接:“收手吧”,否则被认为不公平的局面会催生社会主义反弹。

5. 美国的 AI 约束是电力,太阳能仍困在文化战争里

  • Diamandis 直接发问:如果本届政府真的亲科技,为什么在太阳能上如此犹豫?Scaramucci 的回答完全是文化性的——化石燃料代表强硬、F-150 和丙烷,而电炉和电动车则被编码成精英强加给大众的偏好。

  • 他希望 Musk 能够推销的亲太阳能论述,站在文明存续的高度:“我们的未来在太阳,不在我们之前死去并埋在地下的东西里。”后代或许会把1850年至2150年称为“文明的肮脏时期”,因为化石燃料把大气变成了一个露天垃圾坑。

  • Diamandis 提出战略层面的算术题:到2030年,中国每年新增的发电量可能相当于美国全部电力生产。Ismail 的结论是,“激进扩张能源”是根本要求;化石燃料发电耗时太久,因此太阳能文化战争必须迅速解决。

  • Blundin 预计,电力短缺会与下一次大选、大规模 AI 岗位替代以及对华竞争升级同时到来。数据中心建设可能成为能够凝聚共识的工业计划,因为它覆盖房地产、地基、管道、机架和操作系统设计——一场“每个人都能参与”的 AI 动员。

6. Musk 的第三党需要500亿美元和投票率机器

  • Musk 的民调显示,80%的人支持一个代表中间派的政党,但 Scaramucci 认为,热情不等于基础设施。他需要500亿美元的捐赠基金、一次真正的党代会、可信的运营者,以及一套能够扛住两党设计的选票登记规则、请愿要求和诉讼的纲领。

  • Ross Perot 是警示案例:33年前他赢得19.9%的选票,此后民主党和共和党共同加固了壁垒。Trump 找到了绕行路径:他“斩首”共和党,并像给旧架构安装新软件一样装上 MAGA。由于 MAGA 的原则是“我想要什么就是什么”,Scaramucci 认为它在2028年仍可被挑战。

  • Blundin 的反驳值得保留:投票率比广泛吸引力更重要。愤怒或动机极强的少数派主导初选;舒适的中间派在投票不方便时留在家里,最终被一个围绕移民、堕胎、人权或其他强烈诉求组织起来的政党吸收。

  • Scaramucci 将1.4亿名惯常不投票者视为美国最大的统一选民群体,并追问 Musk 能否设计出激活他们的机制。国会支持率可以只有14%,但现任议员的连任率仍达到95%,因为“政治人物在挑选选民”。可能的修复方案包括更便利、由 AI 支持的投票方式、澳大利亚式强制投票,以及更安全、声誉风险更低的公共服务岗位。

7. 与中国的竞争应加深相互依赖,而不是切断关系

  • Scaramucci 认为,中国在欧亚棋盘上以100年为周期布局,而美国只想着2年和4年的选举。他不认为 Beijing 需要立即入侵 Taiwan:海峡宽约80英里,而 D-Day 登陆海滩只有20英里;岛屿地形多山,中国或许认为 Taiwan 最终会自行落入囊中。

  • 中国更可信的路径,是超过美国的产出,并通过在非洲和欧亚大陆铺设基础设施来积累软实力。然而,Scaramucci 认为,中国的支出只能得到“0.3”的文化乘数,而美国的开放、娱乐产业和国际人物能够产生指数级效应;当 USAID 被削减、联盟关系承压时,这一优势会被削弱。

  • Diamandis 认为,在一个资源充裕的世界里,美中紧张关系越来越说不通。Scaramucci 表示同意,并称自己是“中国现实主义者”:两套制度不同,中国仍是可能窃取知识产权的对手,但更深的经济依赖会让有害决策更难执行。关税制造距离;彼此隔离的“烟囱”则“非常危险”。

  • 他的判断仍然保留了不确定性。中国由7个近似巴尔干化的省份组成,依靠9,000万至1亿名 Communist Party 成员维系;尽管受到限制,按他的数字,中国仍占 Bitcoin 挖矿的10%和交易量的15%。它可能像1989年至1991年前的 Soviet 体系一样继续存在,也可能吸收 Taiwan,或“彻底变形成另一种东西”。

8. TikTok 与芯片管制已经把信息层武器化

  • 对于 Trump 声称富有买家可以收购 TikTok,Scaramucci 的预测是“不可能发生”:只要 TikTok 不被关停,他预计中国所有权和现状都会维持不变。他认为,Trump 的财务利益和注意力激励会让其难以采取决定性行动。

  • 他的安全判断非常严厉:TikTok 是“武器级监控软件”和“影响力软件”。他引用了两个例子:30岁以下美国男性中有31%相信登月是伪造的;还有人认为 Osama bin Laden 做过一些好事。这些都说明,一个平台可以改变一个国家的信念。

  • Blundin 认为,Washington 在拒绝向 China 提供最先进芯片时,已经让 AI 冲突结构化,实际上宣布不会容忍中国达到同等水平。即便脱钩并不理性,他仍预计到下一次大选时会出现“一场全力推进的 AI 军备竞赛”,因为和解无法抹去已经暴露的战略立场。

9. 人人都能使用 AI,意味着家教、医疗和人力资本基础设施

  • Scaramucci 的社会契约是“机会平等,而非结果平等”,通过医疗、教育和 AI 来实现。每个孩子从出生起都应被承诺获得公平的教育,包括接触最优秀教师的机会。

  • 他的具体提案是:每一间五年级教室都配备一个 AI 家教。更广泛的讨论将其扩展为一种近乎全息、可对话的家教,能够教授语法、拼写、指数型组织、长寿和 AI。边界同样重要:它不应导致认知萎缩,而应不断提出“智力纵横填字游戏”,迫使孩子进行推理。

  • 制度性阻力仍然是这套论述的一部分。Scaramucci 认为,Musk 本应被留在帐篷里,而不是被排除在电动车峰会之外。他的规则是:把颠覆者留在帐篷里,而不是把他们赶到外面攻击帐篷。

  • 公共资本应投向能够产生乘数效应的领域。Boston 的 Big Dig 项目成本大约超支5倍,但 Scaramucci 估计,其改善的通达性、社区、收入和生态系统创造了相当于成本6–8倍的正外部性。他希望对 K–12“人力资本基础设施”进行同等投资,并把 AI 家教作为一项基础服务发放。

10. 海湾资本加速 AI,但1999年的 China 误判提醒人们保持谦逊

  • Scaramucci 认可 Trump 率团前往 Saudi Arabia 和 UAE 推动 AI 的策略,但对结果给出诚实的非答案:“你得告诉我结果是什么。”他的原则是,盟友可能难以相处,但它们的资本和参与仍然好过美国试图独自完成 AI 动员。

  • Diamandis 推测,此行帮助阻止了 China 渗透海湾,同时让 Saudi Arabia 和 UAE 得以把自身定位在美国之后、AI 领先阵营的位置。Salim 提到 UAE 公民可以免费使用 ChatGPT;Diamandis 则提到其购买芯片、算力和与“七大、八大或九大”公司的合作伙伴关系。

  • Blundin 补充了执行层面的优势:海湾政府可以单方面行动,部署1万亿美元,而不必承受美国立法流程的拖延。它们同样希望阻止 China 在 AI 上一骑绝尘,因此速度和资本构成了双方结盟的现实基础。

  • Scaramucci 仍然回顾自己在1999年“判断错了什么”:当时的精英相信,加入 WTO 和不断壮大的中国中产阶级最终会带来民主资本主义。25年后,事实并非如此。人类仍然携带着10万年前形成的认知“软件”,因此今天任何线性的25年预测都应明确保持谦逊。

11. 加密货币不会消灭银行,但会迫使银行改变工作方式

  • Diamandis 的前提是,金融业正接近数字化、去物质化、去货币化和民主化。Scaramucci 认为,银行完全清楚冲击已经到来:它们害怕一个 Bitcoin 存放在 JPMorgan、能够产生收益并获得机构保护的世界——“算了,结束了。”

  • 按他的说法,American Bankers Association 的策略是拖慢进展,给 incumbents 留出追赶时间,尤其是在稳定币收益问题上。Circle 和 Brian Armstrong 已经领先,因此传统机构最终可能选择收购或与其合作,而不是击败底层转型。

  • 他的类比来自电信业:过去拨打一通国际电话需要邮局电话卡,费用大约为每分钟3美元;如今 Wi-Fi 可以支持免费视频通话,但电话公司通过改变服务活了下来。银行同样需要提供托管、基于区块链的产品并抓住客户,而不是靠监管保护旧有收入模式。

  • 企业的适应证据横跨多个行业。American Express 提供4%的 Bitcoin 返现;SkyBridge 靠“20次迭代”活过20年;Zuckerberg 拥有700亿美元购买力,正在买入 AI。Ismail 对 Fortune 100 的研究发现,最具适应性的10家公司在7年内为股东带来的回报,是适应性最差10家公司的40倍。

12. Bitcoin 是 Scaramucci 的最大仓位,也是财政警报器

  • Scaramucci 表示,目前他70%的净资产通过个人持有、公司资产负债表和基金配置在 Bitcoin 上。它并非一开始就占据这么大比重;Bitcoin 是一个“吃披萨的人”,像 Pac-Man 一样,资产上涨会把最初的一小块变成投资组合的大部分,而不需要等比例追加买入。

  • 他的敏感性测试是:1万亿美元需求相对于5年的交易量、有限供给和巨鲸抛售,会产生什么结果?他的答案是5年内达到500,000美元,同时年末达到200,000美元、10年内达到1,000,000美元——一个5倍模式,他将其与 Amazon、Nvidia 和 Tesla 在购买力发生重大转移期间的表现相提并论。

  • 这些目标建立在受控通胀假设上,前提是通胀约为2%,且 Federal Reserve 主席具备管理能力。如果 Trump 换上一位听话的“Johnny Bozo”,财政失序进一步演变为恶性通胀,Scaramucci 认为 Bitcoin 可能涨到1,500万美元,但他强调,这种名义涨幅“对社会不会是好事”。

  • 他喜欢带有10% Bitcoin 配置的债券,因为采用率会随人口结构复利增长:今天38岁的 Bitcoin 用户,10年后将成为48岁、职业阶段更成熟的人。财政赤字本身“完全可以修复”,只要未来20年的支出增速低于创新驱动的 GDP 增速;Diamandis 另行提出,额外增加一个生产率更高的10年期,或许可以节省大约1万亿美元的 Medicare 成本。

Anthony Scaramucci

So Elon got nailed because he’s Elon Musk.

Peter Diamandis

Is the current administration still tech-forward even with Elon leaving?

Anthony Scaramucci

You’re asking me the question. I want to be as objective as possible. Somebody minor in the administration can pick your eyeball out with an ice pick, drop it in a dirty martini glass, and leave you bleeding at the table. They’re still talking to you like nothing happened. That’s Washington.

The China–US tension makes very little sense. I’m a believer that we have 2 different systems, but we have to be compatible. If anything, I want to get deeper into the economic dependency—the interdependency—with China.

It looks like the entire banking and finance industry is about to get transformed. I have 70% of my money in Bitcoin. Could you imagine if I could put my Bitcoin at JPMorgan and get yield off it, and there’s a structure around it that protects it? Forget it. It’s over.

Peter Diamandis

Now that’s a moonshot, ladies and gentlemen. Everybody welcome to Moonshots.

I’m here with the emperor of exponentials, Salim Ismail; the extraordinary alchemist of AI, Dave Blundin; and our special guest for today, the Mooch, Anthony Scaramucci.

Last time we were together, Scaramucci made some extraordinary predictions. If you know Anthony, he’s amazing. He is a financier extraordinaire through SkyBridge Capital. He’s the father of one of my best Strikeforce members ever, AJ Scaramucci. He’s the creator and host of SALT, and the host of The Rest Is Politics: US podcast. He was voted the podcaster with the best hair and the spiciest attitude. Anthony, welcome, buddy.

Anthony Scaramucci

There’s a lot of PRP. Stop combing your hair, for God’s sake. Let’s just talk about the hair for a second because, you know, I take it all from your longevity. There’s a lot of PRP that’s gone on up here. I just want to let you know. There’s also a lot of bald ancestry in that family, so this whole thing is costing a lot of money to keep together. You’ve got to keep it up.

For viewers and listeners, this is Latin American dictator brown. I was using Cuban leader black, but it looked like shit on the podcast. I’ve got the right color now that I’ve got the right colorist.

Peter Diamandis

You’re making Salim very jealous.

Anthony Scaramucci

I do certain heads perfectly, like Salim’s, and the rest of us have to get hair. You know why? Unlike you, Peter Diamandis has hair, Dave, to hide his horns, because we both have a little bit of that mischievous streak in our personalities. Peter’s the guy. Actually, he’s got the pope hat under there.

Peter Diamandis

Let’s jump into this episode here. You know, we haven’t even started. My God, for those of you who don’t know, we haven’t started yet.

On a previous podcast starring the Mooch, Anthony, you made a prophetic prediction. I think your prediction was something around the notion that Elon would last about 10 Scaramuccis. We can go back and figure out what it was exactly. For those of you who don’t—

Anthony Scaramucci

Wait, wait. I’m going to define this stuff.

Peter Diamandis

For those of you who don’t know this, Anthony obviously made a stint in the last Trump White House. He lasted 11 days. Anthony has defined that as a Scaramucci unit of length, like a Planck length in physics. You can use it in a sentence: Kevin McCarthy lasted 24.5 Scaramuccis as speaker. Prime Minister Liz Truss lasted 4.1 Scaramuccis.

Do you know how many Scaramuccis Elon lasted?

Anthony Scaramucci

It was 11.8, but I’m the official scorer of Scaramucci, and I put out on X: We round up. We’re generous here. Big balls. He lasted 14 Scaramuccis, so you’ve got to give the kid credit.

Elon, by the way, as you know, I’m a huge fan of the guy. I’m an investor in xAI. I’m an investor in SpaceX, and I only wish I had more money in those 2 things. My heart goes out to him because Trump is seductive, and he got seduced by Trump. I understand why, but then the disillusionment process happens when you realize what Trump really is.

There you go. Twelve Scaramuccis later, Trump’s on the Epstein files, and away we go.

Peter Diamandis

Before we move off the unit, because that’s going to last hundreds of years, the Mass Ave Bridge here in Cambridge is measured in Smoots. They repaint it every year with the number of Smoots. Dave, how many Smoots do you remember it being?

Dave Blundin

Oh, that’s good. I should know. It was like 300 and an ear.

Peter Diamandis

Is Toscanini’s, the ice cream place, still over there?

Anthony Scaramucci

Toscanini’s? Is that still there? Oh, my God. I used to play pickup basketball at Toscanini’s.

Peter Diamandis

Yeah, it’s still there. I think there are 2 of them now. I think that’s the best ice cream in Cambridge, by the way. That’s good home-turf stuff. Actually, our good buddy Brian Mox used to work there, and he would dump this big bag of lard into the mixing machine. That’s why the ice cream is so good.

Anthony Scaramucci

My favorite flavor from Toscanini’s was Vienna Fingers, just to show my junk-food alcoholism—something that Peter wouldn’t let me eat today.

Peter Diamandis

Sugar is a poison.

Anthony Scaramucci

I think I look good for 91, though.

Peter Diamandis

Sugar is a poison.

Anthony Scaramucci

Okay. Okay.

Peter Diamandis

Back to the unit. So, it’s exactly 11 days for 1 Scaramucci? Is that what we’re defining?

Anthony Scaramucci

Some people say I was there for 10 days. That does hurt my feelings. I really feel like I got fired on the 11th day.

Since you’re a math expert, Dave, if you start on the 21st, work a full day on the 31st, and leave at 2:30, I think you get a full 11 days there. Even when the president shits on me and puts out on Truth Social that I’m a major loser, he says I lasted 11 days.

Peter Diamandis

It’s defined. It’s defined for all time. Let’s move on.

One of the things that made the beginning of the Trump administration potentially super exciting was the fact that Elon was there, and we had a very pro-technology veneer, if you would—a pro-technology thrust of using AI in the government and using knowledge and information to make decisions.

The overall question I want to have a conversation with you about and with my moonshot mates here is: Is the current administration still tech-forward even with Elon leaving? We’re going to talk about things like GovAI and all that’s coming there, but what’s your opinion in general, Anthony?

Anthony Scaramucci

I always try to be objective. I don’t like Trump, and I can explain why. I think I’ve done that on prior podcasts. Listen, I don’t want to go into politics. I’m not doing that. I’m just trying to point out that I’m going to say a lot of objective things, but I also want to be self-honest that that’s my personal feeling.

I think they will be tech-forward. They do have a lot of very smart people working in the administration who are tech-forward. I think David Sacks has done a great job. I’m not going to pronounce his name well, but he’s a great guy. Sriram Krishnan—am I saying it right?

Peter Diamandis

Yeah.

Anthony Scaramucci

I think he’s a phenomenal guy. He’s doing a great job. There’s a guy who was at Stanford whom AJ, my son, knows, and I believe he’s involved in the personnel area and is helping to staff tech-forward people. I think he’s doing a great job.

To give the president credit, the president knows that this has to be a broad-scale initiative. Let me give him credit even for Trump 1, when he recognized the AI race. If we had a space race in the ’60s, we’re having an AI race, perhaps with China and a few other competitive economic adversaries.

Joe Biden didn’t do this. Joe Biden was not on this. You have to be honest about this stuff. Trump is on it. I like Elon closer to the situation than not in the situation, but I also understand Washington. I have an 11-day PhD in Washington scumbaggery. I can tell you exactly what they did to him. I can tell you how it got handled. I can tell you who leaked what on the poor son of a bitch and how he got blown out of his seat.

I can also tell you about the hot-and-cold streak of Donald Trump, where he gets hot on you and then drops you like a hot potato. That’s what happened.

But you’re asking me the question, and I want to be as objective as possible. Trump is better on AI. He’s better on crypto. He’s generally better on deregulation. He’s not great on batteries—or energy policy in general, if we’re just being open and honest.

Sometimes Trump gets the culture war in his mind. The culture war to him is, “Drill, baby, drill. Don’t tell me I need to be in an electric car.” His base likes the meat-eating aspects of “Drill, baby, drill.”

There’s a group, Bob Vylan—they were in the UK last week. I think they made an antisemitic remark. It’s a rock band, and now they’re banning them from getting their visas to come into the United States. I disagree with it. I think it’s a bad policy to implement, but that’s the culture-war stuff.

When Trump has the culture war going, he can tip himself into making a bad policy decision in areas where he’s generally making good policy decisions.

Peter Diamandis

Every week I study the 10 major tech meta trends that will transform industries over the decade ahead. I cover trends ranging from humanoid robots, AGI, quantum computing, transport, energy, longevity, and more. No fluff, only the important stuff that matters, that impacts our lives and our careers. If you want me to share these with you, I write a newsletter twice a week, sending it out as a short 2-minute read via email. And if you want to discover the most important metatrends 10 years before anyone else, these reports are for you. Readers include founders and CEOs from the world’s most disruptive companies and entrepreneurs building the world’s most disruptive companies. It’s not for you if you don’t want to be informed of what’s coming, why it matters, and how you can benefit from it. To subscribe for free, go to dmandis.com/tatrends. That’s dmandis.com/metatrends to gain access to trends 10 plus years before anyone else.

Let me hit you with a tweet from David Sacks, who I think is brilliant. I feel extraordinarily positive that he’s in that position, and I hope he remains there. Yesterday, David Sacks tweeted, “What is the most realistic way for the U.S. to lower debt and increase GDP growth? What’s the best driver for growth? Productivity. What’s expected to drive productivity most? AI. Yet over 1,000 bills have been introduced into state legislatures to hobble AI. We need preemption in OBBB, in one big beautiful bill.” So, thoughts on this?

Anthony Scaramucci

We have to apply historical context. There were people running stagecoaches who did not want the railroads. There were people who had a horse and buggy who did not want the horseless carriage. There were people who did not want the commercialization of the airline industry. On and on and on it goes.

The most contemporary example I can give you is that there was not one mayor, not one regulator in any urban area, who wanted Uber. Not one. They fought it tooth and nail. They fought Bitcoin, baby. The American Bankers Association eliminated aspects of the GENIUS Act. The whole nonsense that you can’t get yield on the stablecoin is an example of that.

What ends up happening in a society like the one in Gulliver’s Travels is that the Lilliputians want to tie down society. They want to tie down innovation. It’s incumbent upon smart leaders to step over those people and go directly to the American public.

A smart leader like FDR says, “We need the bomb. Can’t tell anybody about it. We’re going to put $2.5 billion, which is almost $100 billion in today’s dollars, into the Manhattan Project. We’re building the bomb.”

What’s happening now is that we have too much money in the political system. In January 2010, Justice Scalia’s Citizens United decision said you can light up the political system and spend as much money as you want. It’s your First Amendment right. That’s very, very bad for the country. It’s created a separate-but-equal democracy.

Moreover, I can show you legislative agendas at the state and local level, and in the U.S. Congress, all skewed now toward big money and special interests. I’ve got a lot of money, and I don’t want AI screwing up my staffing company. Let me go to my state senator: “Hello, state senator. AI could make all these people redundant. Pass a bill to slow down AI. Here’s the money.”

Let’s take the money out. Let’s show people the money. These are Italian singles. See those? Does everybody see them? What the hell is that? You never know. You could get invited to Rao’s one night, Dave. They don’t take credit cards at Rao’s. You get them ready.

Okay, how long? This is ruining the system. Everybody see that? It’s depreciating as we watch. Look how it is depreciating. How long before those pieces of green paper are no longer part of our economy? That’s a bet I want to take, Dave and Salim. How long before—

Dave Blundin

But you’re asking the question: Is the dollar going away, or is the piece of paper going away?

Anthony Scaramucci

The piece of paper is going away. Whether the dollar goes away is another conversation.

Peter Diamandis

Okay, but let’s go back to David Sacks.

Anthony Scaramucci

It’s the same way the typewriter went away. There will always be dollars, like there are typewriters, but the paper dollar is going away. It’s going to be on your phone. You’re going to trade with people on the phone.

Peter Diamandis

All right. Comments.

Dave Blundin

Well, let’s talk about backtracking in general here, because that’s the political thing. I think what we all voted for was, “Hey, balance the budget. DOGE is real. We’re going to bankrupt the entire country if we don’t do something, which we will.” That’s what people wanted, right?

We don’t want to see a big, bloated bill. We want to see a big, beautiful bill. We wanted Elon to be in there changing everything. We didn’t want him to get booted out. Backtracking is sort of the political way, right? You promise the world, then you get elected, and then you go back to bureaucracy as usual. Is that what’s happening here, or what?

Anthony Scaramucci

Well, see, it’s too academic, Dave. Let me tell you what’s happening. They call it a swamp. It is not a swamp. It is a gold-plated hot tub.

What they do is they sit in a hot tub. They pass Cubanos. They pass Krugerrands to each other. Then they have a 0/1, like your computer goes 0/1. They look at you, look at my hand, they look at you, and they say, “Is he bought or can’t be bought?”

“Okay, can’t be bought. Okay, fuck Salim. Let’s get opposition research on him. Let’s say he’s got platform problems related to his ketamine. Let’s say he’s this. Let’s say he’s that. Okay, fuck Elon. He’s not coming into the hot tub and letting us play in the hot tub.”

If you can be bought, here are the Cubanos. Here are the Krugerrands. Come into the hot tub, and let’s take the money from the taxpayer and put it in our pockets. We’re going to insider-trade. We’re going to bloat these bills. There’s a lot of bloating in the bills because it’s going to go to our constituents. We’re going to feed our kids and our grandkids, and we’re all going to get rich.

You don’t want to do that. You’re a scumbag. You’re a bad guy. Let’s go set fire to Salim’s factory or his electric vehicles. That’s what they do. That’s the game. Don’t be academic about it. You have to understand what they’re doing.

Dave Blundin

The prediction, then, if that’s the game, is: Is David Sacks going to be there at the end of the administration or not? He’s clearly not in that camp, right?

Anthony Scaramucci

No, but David is different. David’s different because David is a duck. Elon is not a duck in the hot tub; he’s like a rubber duck. Elon is an eagle. David’s a duck.

The duck is in the fucking tub there. Look at me: he’s moving, and he’s just gliding across. No one sees how hard he’s working, and he’s under the radar. He’s done a couple of really smart things. Let’s talk about 3 of them quickly.

Number 1, the executive order on the sovereign wealth fund—or you want to call it the Bitcoin treasury, whatever you want to call it, the reserve—beautiful job on that. Let’s not make it partisan. Let’s convince these people it’s like oil. There’s no partisan debate on oil. Beautiful job on that.

Number 2, I can’t get everything I want. The American Bankers Association has brought the lube. They brought the Vaseline and the microwave oven to the table, and they’re going to jam me. I can’t get everything, so what I’ve got to do is go for 80% of it. That’s David Sacks.

And then David Sacks says, “I don’t need any credit. Look at me. I don’t need any credit.” He has hardly any face time with the president publicly.

Dave Blundin

Really?

Anthony Scaramucci

No, no, no. I’m not saying he’s not interfacing with the president, but there aren’t any pictures. Elon hurt himself when he jumped on Air Force One every weekend with the president. Elon hurt himself when he was standing in the Cabinet Room with the president. Elon hurt himself when he was in the Oval Office with the president.

These people suck, okay? They’re envious, jealous people. You know why Washington sucks? Because the stakes are so small. Let’s take out the money again. You see the money? The Washington people are not on the green team. You guys are on the green team. I’m on the green team.

If you hated my ass but there was $500 million on the table, we could split it, but we’d have to fake liking each other. We’re going to do that. But not in Washington. There are blue teams, red teams, purple teams. If you’re too close to the president, I’m envious. The stakes are small. I’m going to try to pick your eyeball out with an ice pick.

Trump said something to me and Peter on a Wednesday when I was in the White House. I know I was only there for 1 Wednesday, so I know it was a fucking Wednesday. What he said to me was, “You know, this is a tough place, man. I thought I was a killer. I thought I was a billionaire real estate guy from New York, but these people are nuts down here. I mean, the secretaries will pick your eyeball out.”

Trump said to me that somebody minor in the administration can pick your eyeball out with an ice pick, drop it in a dirty martini glass like it’s an olive, and while you’re bleeding at the table, they’re still talking to you like nothing happened. That’s Washington. Does everybody understand that?

Elon got nailed because he’s Elon Musk. David Sacks is moving like a duck, so he’ll last in the administration as long as he wants to.

Dave Blundin

I think the duck analogy, though—although I really feel like Mark Zuckerberg and Elon Musk are about to become the most powerful people on the planet because of AI. There’s never been anything like this before. David Sacks is a duck with AI inside. I don’t know how that makes your analogy, but—

Anthony Scaramucci

No, but he’s a brilliant duck. I’m just making the point about a duck: he’s moving quietly through the water. He looks like he’s effortless, but he’s working away. He’s really smart. He’s good on policy, he’s good on commerciality, and he understands the significance and importance of AI being the tip of the spear for the future of American productivity.

Peter Diamandis

All right. I want to hear about not pissing people off. So, what are your thoughts on all this, buddy? Mooch, you mentioned earlier that a wealthy guy goes to the state senator and tries to get a bill passed. How do you, at the federal level, if you're David Sacks, counteract that and get AI regulated properly, the way it should be?

Anthony Scaramucci

Yeah. Well, he's smarter at it than me, but the way you would do that is cautiously. The way you would do that is you get a little bit of help from your friends, like Elon and Zuckerberg, who understand the issue. And the way you do that is you catch the president and explain to the president that he's going to get a lot of accolades and a lot of attention as a visionary if he helps you push that agenda. Trump is very smart that way. Again, he's got great political instincts.

So, I think David is doing all those things and more. Back to the first question: Is this administration tech-forward, tech-positive? It is because you have people like David in the room who actually understand the stakes are so large, and they're willing to take the nicks and knocks to get the thing done. So, I applaud the guy.

I don't know him. I think you guys probably know him personally. I've met him a few times. I will say this to David Sacks, if he listens to your podcast: He did bring up the Scaramucci as a unit of time on All-In. I was very happy about that. Of course, I retweeted that. I think it's very important that we have—you have, like, E=mc², a standard measurement of time and relativity. I think you have to have a time, buddy, for all time. You have to have a unit of time named after you.

Peter Diamandis

So, we're recording this on June 30, with July 4 coming up. There's supposed to be the release of AI.gov. This idea that the government—which has been sublinear, the most inefficient part of humanity at any point; maybe we're the most efficient of the most inefficient parts of government—could be using this for every agency, for the FDA, the FAA, the DOT, and the DOE, to move things rapidly through and optimize things: Do you think that's going to happen? To what extent is that thing going to happen?

Anthony Scaramucci

Yes, to an extent, that thing is going to happen. There's a great book behind you called Bold. You also wrote a book called Abundance. In those books, if it were going to happen the way you wrote about them, it would be revolutionary and transformative. It would unleash a wild amount of productivity and probably solve things like our imbalances, our credit imbalances, debt, et cetera.

But it can't happen like that because we live in a world with lots of different people, and we live in what Churchill said was the worst form of government until you consider all the other forms of government. So, it's not going to happen like that. Can you get 30% of it this year and 50% or 60% of it in the years to come? Yes, you can.

The big problem right now for that movement is complacency. You say, “What do you mean by complacency?” We're not facing a kinetic or ideological threat. We're not in the Cold War. It's not World War II. Now, you may think we are, and I may think we are, and I may read a presidential daily brief that says that we are, but I'm talking about the hoi polloi of the American people.

Remember, on the evening of the election, the most searchable term on Google was, “Did Joe Biden drop out?” That was the most searchable term. People were like, “Well, wait, wait. Who's that? Is that my little sister running against Donald Trump? Who's that person? And wait a minute—Joe Biden dropped out? Okay, what are you talking about?” That's the American people. So, you have to understand where the American people are.

One of the biggest mistakes you can make in politics is that you hang out with really smart people like the 3 of you, and you get the confirmation biases of the people you're hanging out with. You have to go to the man or woman on the street and talk to them. You have to get, “Hey, excuse me, here's the microphone. Are we facing an ideological or existential threat?” They say no, and that slows down everything.

When Sputnik went off in October 1957, the man on the street understood: “Holy shit. We've got to get our shit together.” Then Eisenhower said, “Holy shit. We've got to get our shit together.” Then they brought in the German scientists, handed the ball to Kennedy, and we got our asses on the moon—the moonshot, right? But that's because the people felt the threat.

It was because the media made them feel threatened, right? It all comes down to the dystopian news that our media spreads and what they're going to be teaching you about tomorrow. But this is why, in this country at this moment, you need a transcendental, transformative leader.

Lincoln understood that the slavery issue was an original stain in the Constitution. Therefore, he had to make sacrifices to re-knit and refashion the country to align the idealism of that document with the reality of what was going on on the ground. We are now at another moment like that in our history where we have to clean things up.

The establishment has very selfishly taken advantage of the treasure of the American people, and so they need reform. They need constitutional reform. I submit to you guys, rhetorically, that there are 27 amendments to that Constitution. The document is 235 years old. There are 27 amendments. Do the math: You're picking up an amendment every 8 or 9 years. And yet we have not had a significant amendment since 1993. That was a procedural one. The big amendment was 59 years ago, the ’65 Voting Rights Act.

But that's a living document, guys. That document is supposed to be refitted for every generation. These sons of bitches won't move on the document. You have to end gerrymandering. You have to end Citizens United. You have to put a budget process back in place where we're not running this stuff on continuing resolutions or big, beautiful spending bills.

Yes, I would vote for you. We're not doing that, but we have to do that because we have to re-engineer and renew the promise that America is for the rest of the people. I always think of the Constitution as software. You have to update software occasionally to keep it current, and the founders knew that. They framed it that way. This is my issue with the originalists.

Peter Diamandis

But a quick question back to the tech-forward question: If the administration is so tech-forward, why the reticence on solar?

Anthony Scaramucci

Solar? Culture war. Culture war. Straight-up culture. “Drill, baby, drill.” Amen. We're meat eaters. We watch Fox News. You like F-150s. By the way, I don't want an electric stove. Give me the propane. Let's fire up the shrimp on the barbecue. So, it's a culture-war issue.

You see, if you said it the way Elon Musk could say it, you'd be like, “Guys, our future is in the sun. It's not in what died before us that's in the ground. Our future is what's right in front of us every day and night. We can channel that now. We have the capability, we have the resources, and we have the efficiency of software.”

We can move the UPS truck around the neighborhood more efficiently. We can move the plane in the sky more efficiently. We have so many different things at our disposal now to make this energy renewable and to clean up.

I think you're going to be sitting here someday—people who are related to us, 100 years from now—saying, “From 1850 to 2150, they're going to call that the dirty period of civilization.” These idiots were burning fossil fuels and ruining the Earth. It was like they had an open garbage pit for an atmosphere. What the hell were these people doing?

In the same way that we hate slavery, they're going to take down statues of us. They're going to say, “These idiots tried to destroy the Earth.” The good news is we move to carbon-free, we move to solar, we move to the future. What Musk is trying to say—and he said it beautifully on Twitter the other day—is, “This is where we've got to go. This is where the future is.” By the way, the Chinese are there, guys.

Peter Diamandis

Hey everyone, as you know earlier this year I was on stage at the Abundance Summit with some incredible individuals: Kathy Wood, Mo Gdat, Venode Kosla, Brett Adcock, and many other amazing tech CEOs. I’m always asked, Hey Peter, where can I see the summit? I’m finally releasing all the talks. You can access my conversation with Kathy Wood and Mo Gdat for free at dmandis.com/summit. That’s the talk with Kathy Wood and Mo Gdat for free at diamandis.com/summit. Enjoy. I’ll ask my team to put the links in the show notes below.

On June 5, Elon tweeted, “Is it time to create a new political party in America that actually represents the 80% in the middle?” He put it out as a poll, and he got an 80% positive response. Then, on June 6, he said, “The people have spoken. A new political party is needed in America to represent 80% in the middle, and exactly 80% of people agree. This is fate.”

Again, Elon's tweet—or his post, again. I wish X would come up with a verb instead of “tweet,” or just keep “tweeting.” I remember I texted you right away, Anthony, because I was like, “Oh my God, this is the inflection point where hopefully a third party can come into existence.” They name it the American Party. Do you think this has any hope?

Anthony Scaramucci

Well, you've got to tell me who's going to fund it. If you tell me we're showing up at the table with $50 billion, we can get to people and say, “We're going to have a $50 billion endowment to start a new party.” Then we have to have a convention, and we have to put the platforms and planks together for what that party is actually going to represent.

But you've got to have $50 billion. So, let me tell you what these guys did.

And they did it right after the Ross Perot election. They got the shit scared out of them. Ross got 19.9% of the vote 33 years ago. They went to each other and said, “Shit, this sucks. Can’t have a third party, guys. So, I hate you. You hate me. Let’s get in bed together in the hot tub, conjoin, and strengthen our duopoly.”

So, we’ll make it impossible through voter registration, signatures, petitions, and lawsuits. I’m going to let you gerrymander your district, and you’re going to let me gerrymander my district. We’re going to strain out all the people, and we’re going to make it as impossible as we can to start a third party.

Ask Bobby Kennedy. Ask Donald Trump in the year 2000, when he tried to become a Reform Party candidate for president. He looked at it and said, “Okay, there’s no way. They’ve locked this thing down. We have a duopoly.”

So, you would need a duopoly-busting strategy: $50 billion, the right people operationally, the right tech people, and the right people on software. You could do this, but then you still have to appeal to one of the other 2 parties because they have the machinery. They have the architecture.

And Trump did this. Trump took over the Republican Party. He decapitated the party—a hostile takeover. His third party is MAGA, and he inserted it on top of the Republican Party. He took operating software, to use Salim’s analogy, and overlaid it on the old tech. He created a new party.

Now, that party unfortunately is too populist, and that party’s policy decisions are driven by the culture war and by 1 other important thing: Donald Trump. Donald Trump was asked during the Iran bombing, “What are the policies and principles of MAGA?” And Trump said, “Whatever I want them to be.”

That’s a personality cult. That’s not a party. That means that party’s going to be up for play in 2028, because there’s no other person on his team that can say that and get away with it.

So, if I was Elon Musk’s political strategist, I would say, “Mr. Musk, what is the platform? Who are we getting the $50 billion from? We’ve got to have a convention.” So, it’s a principle-based party, which means we’re going to have a little bit of a push and pull in the party and some consensus-building. Then we elicit what the platform is from the American people.

We go out and explain to the American people the rigged system of the duopoly. We’ve got to get to them on Instagram, Facebook, Snapchat, and all these other places—and X. And guess what happens? Because you guys are entrepreneurs, we’re all zero-to-one people. You can go from zero to one, liquidate those 2 parties, and force them back into the middle.

So, we should get things right, and that party should be, “This isn’t left or right; this is right or wrong for America.” We need good solar policy. We need good space policy. We need good crypto policy. We’re not going to make it partisan. And, oh, by the way, that guy’s trying to lobby me to stop something from happening. We’ve got to figure out a way to stop that from happening.

See that? Isn’t Andrew Yang trying to do some of this with the Forward Party? I love Andrew Yang. He should be part of that party that Elon Musk is putting together. Andrew is correct about a lot of the things that he’s saying, but he doesn’t have the financial muscle to pull that off.

You know, those bills you had pretty much added up to what you were talking about. So, no. Look, man, these bills, man—we’ve lost 50% of our purchasing power in 30 years. Look at this shit.

Yeah. Yeah. Okay. I mean, look at this. Right. Yeah, throw that one away because that’s worthless now.

Ben Franklin, who was my favorite founding father because he was so cheeky, would say, “Okay, we’ve got to start a new party. Wake people up.”

Ben Franklin wrote a lot of different things, but my favorite thing that Ben Franklin wrote was a small book called Fart Proudly. Did you ever hear of the book? He talked about joy. He talked about the joy of flatulence.

Of course, you may remember this from the Isaacson biography. We had no money. The Continental Congress had no money. They were over in France together, sleeping in the same room—he and John Adams—and Franklin was ripping farts on Adams to the point where Adams had to open the window. He was freezing his ass off, got himself a cold, and they argued about it for 30 years after the thing happened.

What they didn’t know about Franklin was that he was my guy, because Franklin was about “fart proudly.” Tell Elon, “Let’s start the Fart Proudly Party.” Fart for freedom, as Franklin would say. Fart for liberty.

What you’ve got to do is get these young people involved. They don’t like what’s going on any more than you and I do, so get them involved.

For viewers and listeners at home, I’m just showing the book here. It’s Fart Proudly: Writings of Benjamin Franklin You Never Read in School. You can buy that book on Amazon, and it has great essays on the power of flatulence.

What is Franklin’s point? Don’t take yourself that seriously, fellas. Let’s get in there. Let’s win together. Let’s help each other. Let’s share the credit.

We don’t have Trump’s big issue, where he’s got to be the 1 guy in the spotlight and no other people can be onstage with him. What did Reagan say? You can get anywhere you want in life as long as you don’t care who gets the credit.

Peter Diamandis

Anthony, let’s jump into the U.S. versus China, in particular. One of the things we’ve been discussing on our WTF episodes with my Moonshot mates here is the chip race and the chip wars going on—the notion that by 2030, China is going to be building, every year, the equivalent of the entire U.S. electric energy production. They are running away with energy production and could potentially be running away with chip production and AI.

What are your thoughts about that? Is the current administration taking the right tack? Are they too slow? Should we be unifying on these fronts?

Anthony Scaramucci

Well, again, this is stuff that we’re fighting over that we shouldn’t be fighting over. The people on this call know we should not be fighting over Bitcoin. Bitcoin is a nonpartisan issue, the way oil is.

If I said to you, “We have rare-earth minerals in our reserves,” if you’re a Democrat, are you going to fight that? Or if you’re a Republican, are you going to say, “Hey, I don’t want rare-earth minerals”?

So, we’ve got to get certain things into a nonpartisan category of policy. I hate you, Peter. You’re a Democrat. I’m a Republican. I hate you, but we’re both going to agree on this: We need to compete with China on the issues that you’re describing.

For the record, I used to be a Democrat, and I would—

Peter Diamandis

Yeah.

Anthony Scaramucci

No, no, no. I love you, Peter. You’re like 1 of my brothers. I mean, you’re like my brother from another mother, and you’ve been a great dad to my son—better than me, actually, because he actually listens to you. Kids don’t listen to me.

I brought more props. Can I show another prop? Look, here we go.

Peter Diamandis

Yeah. What is this?

Anthony Scaramucci

This is The Eurasian Century. It was written by Hal Brands, and this is a great book about Eurasia.

Of course, if you know your Mackinder, the Oxford historian, what did Mackinder say in the 1850s? He said, “Whoever is controlling Eurasia is going to control the world,” because it’s the largest landmass—slightly larger than Africa—but you’ve got tremendous resources there.

The Chinese understand this. Henry Kissinger understood it. Zbigniew Brzezinski understood it. Jimmy Carter understood it. Reagan had it explained to him, and then he understood it. But we’re not doing that anymore.

We’ve got to understand this and make sure that we’re part of this. So, when you’re building the Silk Road, when you’re building that whole thing out—the belts and suspenders of it—the Chinese are not thinking in 2-year election cycles or 4-year election cycles. They’re thinking in 100-year periods of time.

That’s why people say, “Oh, the Chinese are going to go after Taiwan.” Why would they have to do it right now? The Chinese are expecting, in the next 20 to 50 years, that Taiwan falls in their lap the way Hong Kong did. They don’t have to fight over Taiwan.

By the way, just a news flash for everybody: That’s an 80-mile strait. It’s a very difficult strait, and there’s a lot of mountainous terrain on that island of Formosa. It’s not an easy thing to do.

It was a 20-mile strait on D-Day. Think about all the logistical problems we had there. That’s 4 times the distance, and you’ve got to get ground troops in there. They’re not going to do that.

What they’re going to do is what you just said.

They’re going to outproduce. They’re going to be way more productive than us, and they’re going to get the power through soft power. This is something I disagreed with Elon about. The DOGE thing going after USAID—I understand there’s some graft, and I understand there’s some fraud in there. I’m not saying that people are perfect, but we need our soft power to preserve our currency advantage and our brand.

The Chinese have a shitty brand, okay? I was at the Chalk History Festival last week. Some old lady—my demographic, by the way, guys, is like 70 to 90. That’s my demographic. If the women are 70 to 90, they love me. My wife is like, “That’s fucking great.” No one below 70 likes me, so no problem, right?

The lady’s raising her hand and asks a question about China: They’re pumping money into Africa. They’re pumping money into Eurasia. How should we think about it? The answer is that they’re getting a demultiplication from their money because their culture sucks. They’re not a free country.

When they put in a dollar, on a multiplication level, it’s like 0.3. When the Americans put in a dollar, because we’ve got Madonna and Bruce Springsteen and Peter Diamandis, that sexy Greek, we get an exponent. People love America.

Now, Trump’s hurting our brand because he’s trying to be too aggressive with adversaries and allies. But you’ve got to go back to USAID and use the soft-power flex on people. Just think about this: We have the international stars. Europe creates international stars. China creates no international stars because anytime they create a star, they arrest them. They put them in jail and say, “You’ve got to submit to the Communist Party.”

We have a material advantage over them, and we have to be smart about the exercise of that advantage around the world.

Peter Diamandis

Can I give a counterpoint here? In a world of abundance, a China–US tension makes very little sense, right? If it was a zero-sum game, yes. But in an abundance world, once you have abundant energy, how does that play into your thinking? You’re one of the few people who can see that tension clearly and also see where the technology is going.

Anthony Scaramucci

No, no counterpoint needed. I’m in agreement on that. If you’ve heard my other interviews, I’m a China realist. I’ve taken Kissinger’s view of China. I would recommend that book on China from Henry Kissinger.

I’m a believer that we have 2 different systems, but we have to be compatible. If anything, I want to get deeper into the economic dependency—the interdependency—with China. What we find through 5,000 years of recorded history is that the more economically interdependent we are, the harder it is to go apart.

When Trump is tariffing them, or they’ve got to tariff us, that’s going to make us go apart. No bueno. You’re way better off getting deeper with China, which will stall China from making decisions to hurt you, and vice versa.

I’m not saying they’re not adversaries. I’m not saying they’re not stealing our intellectual property. I’m a China realist, but I think it is very, very important that we figure out a way to get closer to China and not have these separate silos. These separate stovepipes would be very dangerous and very bad long term for the world.

Peter Diamandis

Have you heard my one-line summary of China?

Anthony Scaramucci

Go ahead.

Peter Diamandis

I think China’s native capitalism is so ridiculously high that they need socialism to keep a lid on it. Otherwise, they’d sell their grandmother for a profit.

Anthony Scaramucci

It’s probably true. You know China better than me. I would say this to you: The forces in China are different on the ground than people expect. There are 7 Balkanized provinces being glued together by 90 to 100 million people in the Chinese Communist Party. There’s a lot going on in there.

The Uyghurs, the situation with Tibet—everybody’s got a VPN. Ten percent of the Bitcoin mining is still getting done in China, and 15% of the transactions are still getting done in China. There’s a lot going on in China.

The Chinese may take Taiwan, or the Chinese may morph into something totally different from what is existing in China right now. We don’t know. But if you were sitting with a Soviet in 1987, they would have said to you, “The Berlin Wall is going to be there for 2,000 years, and it’s going to be like the wall in Jerusalem. The Soviets are going to be there forever.” Then, 2 years later, bada bing, bada boom, the thing’s down, the flag’s coming down, and the Russian flag’s going up—Christmas Day of 1991.

You don’t know what’s going to happen, but what you need to do is focus on us. Fix the inside of us. This way, the people on the outside will love us more. Fix the inside of us, and let’s give the Chinese a break, because they’ve got their own problems.

We don’t need to be overly fighting with them while we’re trying to fix the inside of us.

Peter Diamandis

Recent news: Trump says he’s gotten a group of wealthy individuals together to buy TikTok.

Anthony Scaramucci

Yeah, not going to happen. It’s going to stay in Chinese hands, and it’s going to stay as something that people play with every day. It’s just going to stay status quo, I think, unless Trump wants to pull the plug on it.

First of all, they’re never going to sell it. That is weapons-grade surveillance software, about as good spyware as you can get. It’s also influenceware, and it is moving a nation. They’ve got people thinking that the moon landing is fake. They’ve got people thinking Osama bin Laden did some good things. They’ve got 31% of the boys in this country below the age of 30 who think that we faked the moon landing.

TikTok is a powerful source in China, but Trump’s bought and paid for by the guys that own TikTok with the Chinese. He’s not going to bust them, and that’s a big problem in the country.

Trump cares about 2 fucking things. He cares about money, and he cares about attention. He wants to be on the top fold of your newspaper, and he wants the 4 of us talking about him. He’s like a reality television producer. He’ll come up with the project and the script every day to get you hyperanalyzing him and get your cortisol levels up.

But if he was a great leader, he would say, “This is really bad for us. Either we have to take it over or shut it down.”

Peter Diamandis

You know, I don’t watch the news. They couldn’t pay me enough to watch what these producers are feeding us, all this dystopian news. I do watch our podcast. And for those of you who are on our podcast today, this is the real news. The technology is going to transform every aspect of it. It’s not edited. You’re not getting a homogenized version. You’re getting people on the ground telling you what they really think.

Anthony Scaramucci

Talking about farts all the time now—fart proudly. That’s what I want. I want it to be the Franklin Party, and I want the symbol to be “Fart proudly.” Fart for freedom and fart for liberty. If you’re upset with the status quo, fart proudly.

Dave Blundin

Oh, God, so many thoughts. On China—well, first on the centrist-party idea, one of the things Donald Trump figured out is that voter turnout turns out to be more important than voter appeal. The way you get voter turnout is to whip people up, get them super angry or super excited or super motivated to show up.

If you grab the middle 80% of America, which would be the perfect outcome—I’m not denying that; that would be phenomenal—but what tends to happen is, if it rains a little or it’s cold that day, they don’t show up to vote.

Where that really hits you is in the primary. Everybody was shocked when Donald Trump got elected the first time, that he got through the primaries. But when you get a big support base, it can only be a couple percent, but they show up. That’s what dominates the primary.

The primary system has fundamentally got some really weird behavior early on. Then you get this centrist party that has sort of lukewarm passion. That’s why you see it merge with one party or the other at the finish line all the time: It can’t stand alone in the middle.

It gets co-opted by someone who’s really passionate about immigration or human rights or abortion, whatever it is. They show up to vote, and the centrists kind of sit at home watching TV.

Anthony Scaramucci

I agree with you, but let me give you a counternarrative. I’d like Dave to react to it. Everything you just said is true, but now you’ve got Elon Musk on the team, and he’s a great engineer. You just told us what the problem is, so how do we engineer out of that problem?

Can we create entertainment content? Can we create policy content? Can we create educational content where we ignite a fire under the most powerful voting bloc in the country?

Now, let me tell you about that voting bloc. There are 140 million people in this country. They vote exactly the same way every election. It’s the most powerful voting bloc. You know who that is, Dave?

Dave Blundin

The nonvoter, right?

Anthony Scaramucci

They’ve given up on the system. But you’re telling me that we don’t have smart programming? We don’t have smart entertainment people? We don’t have ideas through TikTok, Instagram, and Snapchat where we can draw people in?

You’re saying that they’re just too lukewarm? They don’t want to fix the country? You don’t think bankruptcy could be a sell to a very large group of people, like immigration and abortion? You don’t think debt supercycle? You don’t think, “Hey, I can get you more per-capita income”?

If we’re moving into an AI-based world, you may have a 4-hour workweek and you may be richer than you were with a 5-hour workweek. If you’re telling me none of those ideas will sell, Dave, then I’m with you. We are [inaudible]. Let’s take the canoe and ride it over Niagara Falls.

Dave Blundin

Well, we don’t have to be [inaudible]. I don’t think that national bankruptcy motivates people to vote, which is pathetic because it’s the biggest crisis, right?

Anthony Scaramucci

Yeah. No, but it’s obvious that we’ll run the debt up to any level. The way to win elections is to run up the debt even more, buy a bunch of votes, and then get reelected. It’s a perpetual cycle. It’s going to lead to disaster, and people just don’t react to it.

But I think there is a fix: make it easier to vote. If Elon Musk was really playing the cards right, he would have stayed ducky in the hot tub and said, “Hey, why don’t we use GovAI to make it much easier for people to vote, especially in primaries early on, and get that centrist, rational, middle-of-the-road, broad-thinking American to actually show up and vote in a primary? Then you get better candidates.”

Everybody agrees. You survey everybody, and 90-plus percent agree that we’re not getting great candidates. Why is that? You dig into the causes. One of them is that the job is too loaded with baggage and risk—not just actual getting-shot risk, but also social-media risk. Try to derisk the job so great people want the job. But the bigger thing is to make it much easier.

You know, my policy here, Dave: anyone who wants to run for president should automatically be disallowed.

Dave Blundin

Yeah, it should be like a drafted position. Alan Greenspan said that, but again, the incentives are wrong.

Anthony Scaramucci

Dave is right about everything he’s saying. But then again, the question is, can you get them to vote? They’ll vote down the voting. Let’s just be very clear about that: they don’t want the people to vote. They’ve got themselves in these positions through, like you said, gerrymandering. Politicians are picking the voters in this country. The voters don’t pick the politicians. So they’ve got a system in place.

Let me say an Andrew Yang thing here because you guys brought him up. Andrew said to me once, and I checked the statistics—they’re true: the politicians in Washington have a 14% approval rating. Congress has a 14% approval rating. Yet the incumbent, when he runs for reelection, has a 95% reelection rate. It’s like being a chef at a really bad restaurant and getting a 1-star Yelp rating, but you never get fired.

So you’re telling me that with the $50 billion, we couldn’t get Musk’s help and say to people, “Listen, we’ve got to get more people voting. If more people vote, we’ll liquidate the extremists in society. We’ll make it better for all of us”? You don’t think that can work?

Dave Blundin

No, I think that can work. Australia has mandatory voting, and you get fined if you don’t vote. Now, that’s interesting. You need mandatory voting like Australia, but again, that requires a big change.

I’ve got a bigger structural question to ask you, Anthony, which is that in 2015, Yale did a survey and found that the US is not a functioning democracy in any way, shape, or form, meaning that no amount of voter willpower can result in legislation. Gun control is an example: 84% of the people want gun control, yet we can never get the legislation passed for all of the factors that you have.

So there are headwinds here that go much, much deeper than even the political-party system. How do you defeat and counteract that? That’s the question I’ve got, because I think you need a whole new system. Revolution, baby.

Anthony Scaramucci

Well, I want to go back to Dave because I think Dave’s onto something. He’s saying something that we all, I believe, agree is very true: you can’t get the attention, and you can’t get the passion going on the stuff that we would need them to get going on.

But the question is, could you publicize and explain to people the necessary steps of reform? I don’t want a revolution. I would like reform.

What’s happening right now is that fat cats have taken control. They lit up the government through Citizens United. They got this great corporate-welfare system going, and they’re all shooting for $50 million weddings and a trillion-dollar net worth. That’s great, but every time you do that in a system, you break the system and you get the revolution.

You get a guy like the kid here in New York who wants a socialist takeover of production and all this stuff. That’s happened throughout American history. Who stopped it? Teddy Roosevelt stopped it. The name “progressive” came from Roosevelt. He was a Republican.

He went to the robber barons and fat cats and said, “Knock it off. You’re taking too much economic rent from society. You’re worth a lot of money. You’re not going to get an extra yacht. Calm down. We’ve got to help the lower- and middle-income people feel like the system is fairer for them and that they have an aspirational arc toward a potential career. Knock it off.”

He busted Rockefeller. He busted the banking trust. He busted some of the other trusts, and he did it. Reagan did it. Reagan went to AT&T with Judge Harold Greene and said, “Knock it off. You’re sitting on all this technology that we need. Knock it off.” In 1984, we busted AT&T.

The irony is that these 7 big tech companies don’t exist if we don’t bust AT&T. So, guys, knock it off.

Peter Diamandis

So let me go in a slightly different direction: funding. What’s that? We’re all techno-optimists on this podcast right now. I do believe that technology is what’s going to drive GDP. It’s going to ultimately be the mechanism by which we solve our debt crisis.

But we have a lot of people who watch this podcast who are asking about the implications of AI for the lower and middle class. How can you make AI for everyone? How can you get this technology to everyone? What are your thoughts there? I think a lot of us are super excited about what’s coming on the AI front, but it’s skating over the majority of the public.

Anthony Scaramucci

I am a big believer in equal opportunity, and I am a big believer that we need a package of services in this country that provides people with a platform of equal opportunity. What’s in that is health care, education, and AI.

Just like we did with Social Security and other things, we have to deliver to the kid when he’s born the promise that he’s going to get fairly educated. You know this because you’ve worked with Khan Academy and others. We can use AI. We can use visuals. We can take the smartest teachers in the world and bring them into every fifth-grade classroom in the country.

We can have an hour a day with the smartest teacher in the world for a fifth grader—the Steven Spielberg, the George Lucas of teaching.

Peter Diamandis

Yeah. Peter Diamandis.

Anthony Scaramucci

And we can talk to the kid, and we can almost have a hologram at this point where the person is actually there with him, and it’s free and fully democratized.

The teachers’ union is going to be upset with that, and they’re going to stop that. That’s why you need the third party, because Democrats say, “I can’t do that because I’m tied to the teachers’ union.” And the Democrats, I mean, they’re funny people: “We’re going to block Elon.”

Last time I checked, does Elon make electric vehicles? I think he does. I mean, I don’t know, but let me give you a news flash: if he does make electric vehicles, they kick him out of the electric-vehicle summit. One of the stupidest decisions they could have ever made. I mean, come on. What are you guys, a bunch of imbeciles?

You want the people in the tent so when they piss, they piss outside the tent. That’s what Johnson would say. You don’t want the people outside the tent, like Bobby Kennedy and Elon, pissing back into the tent. What are you guys doing? What are you doing?

So, very simply, you need a bill. You want to talk about big, beautiful spending? Let’s spend where there’s a multiplier effect. We know bridges, roads, tunnels, and airports create a multiplier effect.

We know in the city of Boston, where Dave is sitting at MIT, that the Big Dig had a 5x cost overrun. Insane. But it totally gentrified and created a new ecosystem in Boston. It created better suburbs, better living standards, higher disposable income, easier access to the airports, and even though it was 5 times the cost, it generated 6 to 8 times whatever the cost was in terms of positive externalities for the area.

So we need a form factor like that. We need critical human-capital infrastructure. You want to rebuild the airport? I’m for that. But I also want to rebuild the human-capital infrastructure of the K–12 student.

Part of that is this package of AI, where they get issued an AI tutor. They get issued somebody to help them get through their lives.

Peter Diamandis

Not too much, though, where they lose their cognitive edge. What are your thoughts here?

Dave Blundin

The timeline is really interesting. If you think about it, the next election cycle is right when we’re going to be running out of electrical power. Like you mentioned with the Big Dig, in hindsight it did pay off, but if we had taken all that money—$14 billion—and rerouted it to power generation, of course, we didn’t know we would need it at the time, but then we’d be in a much, much better spot.

As Peter was saying, we’re going to be miles behind in power generation versus China.

But right when the next election cycle is coming on, there’s going to be massive job displacement and a massive threat of an arms race with China in AI. The creation of all the data centers that we need to keep up is going to be a huge job opportunity. And so we’ll actually be rational to invest like crazy in that one specific area.

What’s beautiful about data center creation, too, is that it’s everything from physical infrastructure, real estate, foundations, plumbing—all that—plus operating system design and racks. It hits every level; everybody can participate in it. So if you think about the run-up to World War II and the beginning of World War II, it should be very similar to that—if anything, more acute but all-encompassing. Everyone can contribute, so someone can rally everyone around that cause, because the job displacement is going to come long before the next election at the rate things are changing right now.

Peter Diamandis

I agree. Do you guys agree that we shouldn’t be picking a fight with China? But we started it under the Biden administration and perpetuated it. It’s both parties, with the Chips and Jobs Act. So, yeah. Before Anthony jumps in, I would like to hear Salim respond to that, but finish up, Dave, please.

Dave Blundin

Well, there was absolutely no hostility at all prior to the U.S. unilaterally saying, “Hey, you can’t have our best chips.” And that alone isn’t the big deal. The reason you can’t have our best chips is because there’s no way that we’re going to tolerate you catching up to us in AI.

So if that doesn’t do the job, then we’re going to do the next thing. Then we’re going to do the next thing, then the next thing. So the Chinese reaction to that is like, “Okay, you have told us what your position is. There’s no going back from that.” Any amount of reconciliation at this point isn’t going to change the fact that next election cycle, we’ll be in a full-bore AI arms race with China, whether it was rational or not.

It’s going to exist on that day, and that’s going to be a big motivating, galvanizing force. I’ve got some other outcomes and side effects that’ll come from that that we can talk about, but Peter, I know you want to—

Peter Diamandis

Yeah, I know. 2028—the timing is spot-on. Salim, what are your thoughts on that?

Salim Ismail

Well, it’s clear we need radical energy expansion, which is the root cause of a lot of this. This is the big structural tension. I think we don’t see a clear path to getting there. It takes too long to build fossil fuel, and we have to get around this cultural war problem with solar very quickly.

Peter Diamandis

Every day I get the strangest compliment. Someone will stop me and say, Peter, you have such nice skin. Honestly, I never thought I’d hear that from anyone. And honestly, I can’t take the full credit. All I do is use something called OneSkin OS1 twice a day every day. The company is built by four brilliant PhD women who’ve identified a peptide that effectively reverses the age of your skin. I love it, and again I use this twice a day every day. You can go to oneskin.co and write peter at checkout for a discount on the same product I use. That’s oneskin.co and use the code peter at checkout. All right, back to the episode.

Anthony, was the move where the administration took the entire royal family of AI on a shopping spree to Saudi and the Emirates a brilliant move? Do you congratulate the Trump administration on that?

Anthony Scaramucci

Well, I like the concept. I like the tactic. You have to tell me what the outcome is. I don’t know what the outcome of it was. I know the UAE is pushing a lot of money into AI, and generally, I would like our allies to be partners with us on these projects. I would like their capital, because that makes it better.

Look, you know what Churchill said, right? Let me phrase it exactly: “The only thing worse than fighting with allies is fighting without them.” You’ve got to get the allies involved, even though they’re pains in the asses, right? He said it better than me. I’m paraphrasing, but you get my point.

So I think it’s smart. Again, that’s an example to me of what we said earlier in this podcast: The administration has some very good ideas on this stuff. There are a lot of people out there, a lot of lobbies out there, that are going to want to block them and slow this thing down. They’re very short-sighted.

Peter Diamandis

If I said to you, “Here is an AI. It pops up like a hologram. It’s one part Peter Diamandis, one part Dave, one part Salim. It can teach the kid about exponential organizations, longevity, and AI. It actually interfaces with the kid, where the kid can talk to it, and it’s helping the kid with grammar and spelling, and it’s forcing the kid to think.”

Remember, you don’t want the AI to make the kid cognitively atrophied. You want to have the AI give the kid a lot of intellectual crossword puzzles, so the kid is jacked up. And you’re telling me the teachers’ union is like, “You know, that is the best thing we can do for our children. I’m going to take a step back and let that happen”? Is that our country? Is that our society?

Salim Ismail

Well, by the way, that is what’s happening in the Emirates. The Emirates is going AI-first across the board, making ChatGPT available for free to all of its citizens.

Peter Diamandis

I think the outcome, by the way, of those delegations to the Middle East was to block China from coming into the Middle East and making investments there. Because I guarantee you, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and the Emirates want to be just behind the U.S. in AI infrastructure.

They’re buying capacity. They’re buying chips. They’re buying investments and partnerships with the Magnificent Seven, eight, or nine—whatever they’re going to be. So that’s pretty extraordinary.

Dave Blundin

Yeah, I think the Churchill analogy that Anthony just made is perfect, too, because the other thing the Emirates and Saudi can do is act fast and unilaterally. In a lot of these areas, we can’t move quickly, and they can. They have $1 trillion of capital they can throw at anything we might need.

So I don’t think they want to see China run away with AI, either. We have that common bond.

Anthony Scaramucci

Let me tell you about something that I think we should all be humbled by. These are mistakes that we make when we’re thinking about our lives and thinking linearly, while the world is moving the way Salim thinks—exponentially.

I want to take you back to 1999. We’re at the World Trade Organization protests, and the blue-collar people are up there in Seattle saying, “You’re going to kill us. You’re going to knock out all of our jobs.” All the smug Wall Street types said, “Oh, that’s not true. It will lower the cost of capital.” I got that wrong. We heard every one of those people.

What the thinking was in 1999 was: Let China into the WTO. They’re a friendly neighbor now. They want our help. They’re moving people from the farmland into the urban centers, and they’re creating this massive amount of wealth and a burgeoning middle class, which means they’re eventually going to embrace—are you ready?—the end of history and democratic capitalism. That’s what we thought, guys.

Now it’s 25 years later, and they did none of that. Everybody got that? They did none of that. Who gets it? Okay. Those in the audience who live close enough to me in Queens and Nassau County know that we got “ugatz.”

And so now we’re sitting here thinking about the next 25 years, and we’re going to get a lot wrong, guys. We have to be humbled by life. We have to be humbled by the fallibility of our decision-making and the fallibility of our expectations, because we’re biological.

You want to talk about software? Salim brought up a good idea. He said, “Constitution software.” You want something that hasn’t gotten a software upgrade? You and me. No software upgrade in 100,000 years. The phone went from iPhone 1 to 16, on its way to 17. But not you. You’re walking around with a cave stick in your hand.

Our mindset is the software upgrade that we need. That’s my point. We have to talk to people like this and say, “We’re going to make some mistakes.” We got China wrong in 1999 and 2000. We’re going to get things wrong. We’re going to be sitting here—

I won’t be here unless he gives me the right stem cells. He saves all the stem cells for himself, fellas. That’s why he looks so good. Diamandis, okay?

Peter Diamandis

Well, I don’t want to lose Mooch. He’s going to say, “I’m 150.” I don’t want to lose Mooch. Let’s send Mooch some exosomes so he stays alive.

By the way, kudos to the state of Florida, which just passed legislation allowing for stem cell treatments.

Anthony Scaramucci

Right. Finally, fly down there and get some. But Diamandis hoards these things. You know what he’s like.

I’m just saying, 50 years from now, when he’s here and I’m long gone, we’re going to look back and say, “Well, we made some mistakes.”

Peter Diamandis

Come down to Fountain Life, buddy. We’ll guarantee—although I don’t know if I can say this—we have the president and first lady of a country coming to visit us tomorrow.

Anthony Scaramucci

That’s really big. I love it. I love it. They’re amazing.

I’m a very vain guy. If you can shrink my middle-aged man boobs, I’ll go anywhere that you want to send me. It’s not even about health at this point. It’s just about vanity.

Peter Diamandis

We’re going to one more subject here, and I need to get your input on it. That is the whole crypto-Bitcoin world. Let’s talk about that. How do you see the importance of Bitcoin in America and in our strategic reserves?

It looks like—I talk about the digitization, dematerialization, demonetization, and democratization of industries because of this.

It looks like the entire banking and finance industry is about to get transformed. Do they know what has hit them? You're in this game, and you're playing at it across the board. Talk to me.

Anthony Scaramucci

Yeah. Well, they know what's hit them. They're absolutely scared shitless about it. They've gone to the American Bankers Association, a very strong lobby, and they're trying to litigate progress so that they can catch up. That's what's going on. Holy shit.

Circle is going to control it. Could you imagine if I could put my Bitcoin at JPMorgan and get yield off it, and there's a structure around it that protects it? Forget it. It's over. They know that's coming. They know Brian Armstrong is ahead of them. They're going to try to buy Brian. They'll probably buy Circle alongside Brian. They have to move.

But here's what I would say to them: when they invite me in to talk, I say, “Guys, the phone company—when I was in Europe and I had to make a call, say I was in Italy in 1985, I had to go to the post office. I had to get a card. They gave me 15 minutes for, I don't know, something like $3 a minute—$45—to talk to my mom. Now I can go to any café in Rome, plug into the Wi-Fi, and talk to my mom for no dollars. I could probably even do a FaceTime call, right?”

The phone companies didn't go to zero. They're still here. What they do is morph. The banks have to provide different services. American Express—Squeri is a very smart guy—has teamed up with Brian. You get 4% back in Bitcoin. I love that, by the way. I just ordered it. They even have to lose a little bit of money on it, but they want your business. They've figured out, “We've got to be in the customer-capture business, and we've got to offer service.”

You're getting your Wi-Fi from the phone company or the cable company, some fiber-optic company. They didn't go to zero. We've got to tell the banks, “Calm down. There are other services that you can put on the chain, and you can do everything that you want, but you've got to move.”

You can't be a carriage maker and make Body by Fisher. You can make the inside of the carriage of the horseless carriage. You've got to think like that, and you've got to adapt. We hate adaptation, guys.

I was in the typewriter business. I was in the fund-of-funds business. I had to make a decision: am I going to stay in the fund-of-funds business? The reason SkyBridge got to its 20th birthday is that we did 20 iterations at SkyBridge. I got out of the typewriter business and moved into the digital-asset space to save my business and to save my customers.

Salim Ismail

Well, you're brilliant. You want to stick in the mud? Stick in the mud. We don't want to stick in the mud. We did a study of the Fortune 100 in 2015 and scored them against the ExO model, which essentially measures adaptability and agility. Seven years later, the top 10 that followed the attributes and the model of adaptability and agility the most delivered 40 times the shareholder returns of the bottom 10 that didn't. It's just crazy numbers.

Anthony Scaramucci

Well, I want to see if you could send it to me because I want to send it to my staff. This is why I like Zuckerberg, because Zuckerberg's like, “We're going to call it Meta.” He thinks we're going into the metaverse, but he gets it wrong. He changes the name of the company to Meta. But guess what he gets right? We're going AI. Look at him. He's not sitting there. He's got $70 billion in purchasing power. He's got a $70 billion wallet in his pocket, and he's buying as much as he can. He's not stuck in the mud, that guy.

Peter Diamandis

Are you and Zuck buddies? Are you connected to Zuckerberg?

Anthony Scaramucci

No, I don't know him. I'm just impressed with him. Once, I was in Sun Valley with him at the Allen & Company conference, and I remember feeling so insecure. He was 24 at the time, worth like $10 billion, and I was 44, worth no billion. Now he's only worth like $200 billion. You know what I mean? God bless.

I love that, though. Equal opportunity. Sergey Brin can come in from Eastern Europe and make $200 billion. Equal opportunity, not equal outcomes. We're a rich enough country to help these people feel like there's some fairness in society. You want to get socialism? Have the people think society's unfair. They're going to come at you with a howitzer.

Peter Diamandis

2 questions. What percentage of your assets, if you're willing to say, are in Bitcoin, and what's your end-of-year prediction?

Anthony Scaramucci

Well, listen, I just got done telling AJ this. I have 70% of my money in Bitcoin. That's either Bitcoin on my balance sheet, Bitcoin on the corporate balance sheet, or Bitcoin in the funds. If you look at all the pass-throughs and you look at my net worth, 70% of it is in Bitcoin.

It wasn't always that way, but it did this. Bitcoin is a pizza eater. Let me explain that. It starts out as a small slice of the pizza. Look at me—it's like a Pac-Man. It goes like this. That's what's happening to me. It's not because I'm even buying more of it, but it's 70%.

I think if you look at the power law—and, by the way, I want you to do this—go to ChatGPT or Grok and say, “I need a sensitivity analysis. If $1 trillion comes into Bitcoin, and here is the volume and supply over the last 5 years, and there's some elasticity, it'll trigger some whales to sell. Figure out how many whales are going to get triggered, and figure out what $1 trillion of buying power does to the asset.”

I think the asset goes—and I'm not exaggerating when I say this—to $500,000. That's a 5× number, which would be consistent with what happened to Amazon, Nvidia, and Tesla when you have purchasing power moving into that.

So, $500,000 in 5 years, $200,000 at the end of this year, and $1 million at the end of 10 years.

I think, by the way, you're going to have some hyperinflation if we don't fix this goddamn thing. It could go higher than what I'm saying. I'm talking about 2% inflation with a smart Federal Reserve chairman trying to manage this debacle we're in.

If Trump decapitates the current Fed chair and puts in Mickey Mouse or Johnny Bozo, he's going to want to do whatever Trump wants. Let me not say Mickey Mouse, because I like Mickey. I didn't mean to disparage Mickey.

I knew Musk thought Trump was a dummy the day that he said Peter Navarro was as dumb as a bag of rocks. Then he put out the next tweet. He said, “I want to apologize to the bag of rocks. I didn't mean to insult the bag of rocks.” Navarro and Trump are like this.

Through derivatives, through differential calculus, that was a way to tell people—before he exploded on Trump—that Trump was a jackass. I love that about Elon because he's a 19-dimensional thinker.

But on this topic, I think it's very simple. You don't want Johnny Bozo running the Fed, but if you get Johnny Bozo running the Fed, it's going to go to $15 million a coin.

Peter Diamandis

Yeah, and that's not going to be good for society, though.

Anthony Scaramucci

A million dollars is the next gold. It's a digital asset, and we've got things under control. We didn't get into it because I know we're running out of time, but you could fix the deficit, by the way. It's a totally fixable thing, but it would require about 2 decades of fiscal discipline.

Again, I'm talking about fiscal discipline as just slowing down a little bit of governmental growth and getting the economic growth through all the innovation you talk about in your podcast to exceed governmental growth.

You could do it in 25 years. You'll have the whole thing addressed, and people will be looking around saying, “Wow, how did we do that? That was great.” But you've got to have some more people in the room who are patient.

Peter Diamandis

There's another way to fix the entire financial debacle in the United States, which is to increase people's healthspan. You enable people to be healthier for an extra decade, where they're productive, serving them to processed food, because that would save a trillion dollars off of Medicare.

Anthony Scaramucci

For sure. For sure.

Peter Diamandis

And Dave, any last digs at me?

Anthony Scaramucci

No, I just want Dave to recognize this. I asked for help with my man boobs. He totally disregarded it, but he's thinking about it in the background, helping his friends. I need man-boob reduction, and he could help me with some cocktail there that helps with man-boob reduction. He's not sharing.

Peter Diamandis

Go ahead.

Dave Blundin

I have a question. Did you see this thing with the bonds that have a 10% basis in Bitcoin? It looked to me like a pretty brilliant idea. I wanted your reaction on that.

Anthony Scaramucci

Yeah, I think it's a very smart, very clever idea. That's the stuff that the people in the banking association and the people in the investment banks are very worried about, because that's the stuff that's going to get adopted.

And remember, I’m not kidding now: in 10 years, the 38-year-old who likes Bitcoin is going to be more advanced in his career. He’s going to be 48, and that is going to be massive proliferation. That provides more evidence for what I’m saying, because Bitcoin is immutable. There’s a finite supply of it. People trust it, and they’re going to use it.

Peter Diamandis

Yeah, amazing.

Dave Blundin

Here’s my parting shot. We have Moore’s law. We have Musk’s law now: the most dramatic outcome is the one that’s going to happen.

Peter Diamandis

Yeah, I like that a lot. We need Mooch’s law to match that pattern. I’ll give you a chance to think about it, unless you have it off the top of your head.

Anthony Scaramucci

I probably need more time to think about it. Here’s what I would say, though. This is my 61-year observation about this country: the people in this country want to get it right. What did Lincoln say? Lincoln said, “The people in this country are way smarter than the average politician thinks.”

The exact quote said that the people in this country have a good nose. They can smell a rotting cadaver in their basement. It’s a time in American history when we have to change the plot lines of these political parties.

Let me just remind people: Lincoln was in a third party. He was in a third party that was established in 1856, and the name of the party was the Republican Party. I really appreciate what you’ve done in terms of being a totally straight-shooting, candid, say-it-like-it-is person, which is really rare, but also not tied to either party—hanging out on Gavin Newsom’s podcast, getting to know Eli.

We got no choice, Dave. We got no choice. Let me tell you something: I’m named after somebody who assaulted Normandy Beach. My uncle assaulted Normandy Beach at the age of 19, took the cliff, and burned out some of those cement pillboxes.

People say to me, “Aren’t you afraid they’re going to come after you?” I don’t give a fuck. If I have an uncle I’m named after who was willing to do that, I can use my mouth and my brain to explain to people what’s going on, even if it puts me at risk.

But I just want to finish this one point because it’s very important about Lincoln. The Whigs—he went after them. He said, “The abolitionist Whigs, join my new party.” And then he went after the Democrats. He said, “The abolitionist Democrats, join my new party.”

He became the first Republican president of the United States, and he ended slavery. It took us a civil war to do it, but he ended slavery. And, by the way, Buchanan was a jackass. We probably didn’t even have the war, okay? Lincoln was sandwiched between two big jackasses, Buchanan and Johnson.

But Lincoln changed it. He switched the narrative, and he tried to clean out the stain that was in the Constitution. He was the stain remover for the stain that was in the Constitution. So don’t tell me our history means that we can’t do this. This is totally doable.

Peter Diamandis

Mooch, you are brilliant. Everybody, this is Anthony Scaramucci, an extraordinary individual.

I’m extraordinarily impressed by your brilliance every time I chat with you.

Anthony Scaramucci

Thank you for being very kind. I don’t say I’m that bright. I just love my country like you, and I love the future.

Peter Diamandis

You can smell the future. The future is so bright. You can inhale the future. You can smell the future. All we have to do is get to the future, and we have to get people to calm down. Stop hating on each other with the rancor of social media. Let’s get to the future together.

Dave Blundin, brilliant as always. Thank you.

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Elon 离场、美国如何赢下 AI 时代与 Bitcoin 接管美国——与 Anthony Scaramucci 对谈|EP#180 — 文字稿与摘要 | BidClub